World Food Policy Volume 2, Number 1, Spring 2015 | Page 86

The Negative Side of the Agricultural–Nutrition Impact Pathways: A Literature Review During the green revolution in India, a policy package (fertilizer and seed subsidies, infrastructures, price support, etc.) led to a very large increase in per capita wheat and rice production between 1960 and 1990. That increase in availability helped India escape the famine that had marked the country up to then. Be that as it may, the p revalence of undernutrition among women and children remained among the highest in the world. One hypothesis, albeit difficult to verify due to the multiplicity of causes of malnutrition and wide disparities between regions (Gillepsie and Kadiyala 2012), corresponds to the crop and food specialization brought about by these policies which were centered almost exclusively on cereals. The case of legumes is particularly striking: their availability fell from 23 kg in 1961 to 12 kg/year/ inhabitant in 2003 (Dorin and Landy 2009). Likewise, for Southeast Asia, the calorie supply rose from 2,050 to 2,250 kcal/person between 1970 and 1990, while the iron density in food fell from 6.2 to 5.75 mg/kcal and the prevalence of anemia (iron deficit) in women rose from 57% to 73% over the same period (Welch and Graham 1999). Francesco Burchi, Jessica Fanzo, and Emile Frison (2011, 362) insist on that opinion “this push to concentrate on a few staple crops may be a contributory factor to the simplified diets, the continued undernutrition in South Asia and widespread hunger”. Even Peter Hazell (2009, 12), who is a strong supporter of the green revolution, admits “However, since deficiencies in iron and the B vitamins are common amongst the poor the increase in micronutrientrich foods must not always have been high enough to offset the decline from cereals” consumption that has followed the green revolution. Finally, the availability of other foodstuffs (animal products, fats, fruits, and vegetables) remained well below world averages and their consumption was very unequally distributed (Dorin and Landy 2009). Sometimes the development of commercial products may go hand in hand with: (i) a change in natural ecosystems, the disappearance of wild species—an integral part of local diets and (ii) a reduction in resources devoted to subsistence crops (Fleuret and Fleuret 1980). Such changes lead to simplification of diets and risks of micronutrient deficiencies. The promotion of maize in Mali was associated with cotton supported by development companies though the distribution of maize seeds, promotion of cereal crop standards, in order to secure the food supply of cotton farmers. It is thus possible to cover the calorie requirements of certain households (not all), but it has also led to more monotonous diets than in other regions, along with a risk of deficiencies and chronic malnutrition (Dury and Bocoum 2012). The introduction of improved varieties can lead, though not always, to a simplification of cropping systems (Bellon and Hellin 2011) and diets (Johns and Eyzaguirre 2007). The substitution and reduction in the number of accessible traditional varieties may also be accompanied by an erosion of the variety of recipes and dishes consumed. An example involving the industrial white-fleshed banana, which has replaced a local, orange-fleshed banana rich in carotenoids, has been described in Micronesia (Englberger 2003). 85