The NJ Police Chief Magazine Volume 24, Number 9 | Page 21

The New Jersey Police Chief Magazine | December 2018
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v. Who can have access to such data, in what circumstances, and how is this access recorded?
vi. Who is responsible for system management and rule observance?
These questions relate fundamentally to the question of ‘management’ much more than they do ‘leadership’. The
author has recently worked on a major IT implementation project, and the degree of exposure to risk in relation
to the above issues is very significant for police organisations.
It is a slow burn, but has the potential for enormous reputational damage in the future, and leadership capacity
will be consumed in dealing with the aftermath of what could be an avalanche of litigation.
Strategic Risk 2: Shift Pattern Management
The health risks of working shifts, and in particular, night shifts which are interspersed with day shifts, are
increasingly being understood, and the consequences are serious and unpleasant (Harrington, 2001).
Greater risks of diseases such as heart disease, diabetes and other metabolic disorders occur, especially in those
working in a ‘swing shift’ arrangement – i.e. those whose shift pattern changes or swings between earlies, lates
and nights.
The law has recognised this to some extent, and in particular, the European Working Time Directive makes
stipulations about length of shifts, frequency of breaks, and maximum hours which can be worked in any one
week, though there are exceptions for emergency services and an opt-out for the 48-hour maximum average over
a 17-week period.
Given this, it should be surprising that the number and nature of shift patterns currently undertaken by police
officers and other emergency services workers varies enormously, and flies in the face of some of these known
health concerns.
Recent survey work has shown that many officers experience cancellations of rest days, rarely or never take a
rest break, and have been unable to take their full entitlement of annual leave, much of which must be close to
illegal.
Two things appear to be clear: (1) In the interests of serving the public, officers are being required to work shift
patterns which, though technically legal, are not in the best interests of their health; and (2) that shift patterns
demonstrate serious inconsistency across the service (and in some cases, across forces).
The weak management of shift patterns, of matching resources to demand and in consequence, exposing large
groups of officers to long-term ill health, presents a serious organisational risk to the police service in the future,
which will consume leadership capacity as the service tries to counter class action and protect its reputation.
There are other areas of personnel-related business which might similarly be considered, for example, ‘equal pay,
equal value’ claims, either within police ranks, or between police officers and police staff, where variations in
employment regulations permit police organisations to conduct HR practices very differently, and consequently
where the risk of unfair or indefensible practices are high. Other similar difficulties might exist in the treatment of
officers and staff under misconduct procedures, which vary significantly.
Three linked implications
Undermining of legitimacy
The legitimacy of the police and the activities they undertake is a fundamental pillar of a developed democracy
such as that which exists in the UK. Legitimacy is also crucial to ensure victims report crimes, witnesses support
prosecutions, and intelligence is forthcoming to prevent and detect crime.
However, in order for the public to accept the police and their policing, they must have an idea of what the police
are, what they do, how they work and their attitudes. This intellection is informed by many sources – the media
and how they report policing activity, entertainment and the depiction of the police in action, comments of
politicians, academics and other influential opinion formers, and of course, crucially, the police themselves.
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