Chapter
8:
Case
studies
in
Wadi
Siham
enhance
their
influence
on
decision-‐making
for
their
own
benefits.
This
phenomenon
has
reached
such
an
extent
that
nowadays
many
of
the
normal
farmers
turn
directly
to
the
TDA
for
technical
help,
advice,
complaints
and
even
conflict
resolution,
instead
of
turning
the
traditional
leaders.
The
belief
spread
among
downstream
farmers
that
only
by
organizing
in
a
formal
WUA,
they
could
“get
things
done”,
i.e.,
receive
governmental
funds
for
the
irrigation
development.
Along
these
lines,
two
further
WUAs
emerged
downstream,
under
the
thrust
of
local
leaders.
One
of
IMT’s
principal
drawbacks
was
its
failure
to
consider
the
particular
nature
of
each
pre-‐existing
organizational
unit
(water-‐networks).
Additionally,
if
a
WUA
does
not
clarify
rights,
responsibilities,
benefits,
and
obligations
of
each
member,
farmers
quickly
lose
interest
in
collaborating
even
in
a
context
where
community-‐managed
irrigation
is
common
practice
(Beccar
et
al.,
2002).
With
the
disappearance
of
spring
flows,
the
wadi
depends
on
the
same
water
source
(flood
water),
which
is
diverted
through
the
TDA.
However,
at
the
organisational
and
operational
levels
no
real
coordination
and
communication
between
water
users
and
managers
of
the
different
infrastructure
exists.
Water
conflicts
in
Tihama
wadis,
including
Wadi
Siham
relate
mainly
to
the
flood
flow
and
are
related
to
the
violation
of
project’s
water
distribution
rules
and/or
customary
arrangements,
“Urf”.
The
flood
flow
is
the
main
water
source
for
farming
in
Tihama
wadis.
On
its
water
depend
important
cash
crops
such
as
tobacco,
banana
and
mango,
and
subsistence
and
fodder
crops.
Particularly
after
the
Governmental
dramatically
raised
diesel
prices
after
the
revolution,
flood
water
constitutes
a
vital
resource
for
agriculture
and
local
livelihoods.
In
Wadi
Siham
conflicts
on
groundwater
use
are
unusual
–
as
the
competition
for
water
is
less
obvious
because
less
visible.
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