Popular Culture Review Vol. 5, No. 1, February 1994 | Page 105

Stranded in the Sixties 101 This testimony is all the more renuirkable for having issued from such an alienated (and often inebriated) reporter as Norman Mailer, a self-described "comic hero" on the fringes of the event under study. Mailer himself questions the competence of such an "historian" (.Armies 67). Having duly noted the arbitrariness of his interpretation. Mailer unabashedly offers an omniscient account of American social reality. The absurdity of such a dual, self deconstructing exercise is the real point, according to Zavarzadeh. The comic futility of the drunken reporter is contraposed to the other Mailer, the public man and realist "scribe," who would still superimpose "grand patterns on the actual" (Zavarzadeh 157). However, against those who would discard realism along with totalism. Mailer sets about to save realism by defending the mystery and contingency of actual experience. No small part of Mailer's opposition to liberalism-as personified in Armies by Paul Goodman— was its disrespect for the sheer complexity of life outside the technological bubble. Indeed, the same is true of the Old Left, whose conflict with liberalism, in Mailer's view, comes down to a "quarrel among engineers" (qtd. Merrill, "Armies" 133). In some respects the Pentagon represents for Mailer what the dynamo did for Henry Adams (Merrill, "Armies" 128), though for Mailer it is not the dynamism of the Pentagon that he most fears. Mailer's war on technologism, as on the mass media, is prompted as much by the apathy it engenders as by its distortion of reality (Solotaroff 223). TTiis apathy was reflected in the indifference of liberals, as well as the Old Left, toward the technological machine that produced the war they claimed to oppose. Mailer considered it a toss up whether Communism or liberal Capitalism would do the greater damage in Asia: "In either case, the conquest would be technological, and so primitive Asian societies would be uprooted" (Armies 210). The hope, then, lay with the New Left which at least brought the real issues into focus. In 1963 Mailer had seen America as a land where opposing Armies never meet: The Right, the Center, and what there is of the Left have set up encampments on separate hills . . ." (qtd. Merrill, "Armies" 133). What Mailer admired about the New Left was their determination to confront the real enemy—the engineers as well as the generals—taking the conflict into "the womb and cradle of technology land" (Armies 94). It was Mailer's fond hope that the March on the Pentagon, the cradle of technology land.