International Journal on Criminology Volume 3, Number 2, Fall 2015 | Page 67

International Journal on Criminology In early 2003, a guard at Cameron prison, Texas, was removed from his post and charged with having brought drugs inside. In his version of events, a gang member had “threatened him with reprisals if he failed to obey orders.” Also suspended was the head of security of the prison, who declared at his subordinate's trial that: “Members of the Texas Syndicate 194 threatened me with death [...] they try to manipulate everyone. If we give in on a detail they immediately go further, demanding larger and larger concessions. Then they make sure you know you're a coward for backing down, they blackmail you, threaten your job. I heard this often.” 195 According to the prison hierarchy, however, most staff do not yield to threats, and affairs like that of Cameron are only “isolated cases of people looking for a quick profit.” Collusion with the prison gangs caused by greed can totally corrupt the staff of an institution. In Texas again, in 1994–95, the police dismantled a prison gang known as the Blue Bandana, 196 responsible for violence and trafficking within the prison environment. The group was composed solely of prison guards. Control of prison life by the gangs also involves extortion and “protection.” Cells are often “taxed” according to various criteria—ethnic, linguistic or corresponding to particular types of crime. Drug addicts prefer to be remote from guard posts while certain inmates want to be close to TV sets if there are any. All commodities or “comforts” have a price, fixed by the gang with jurisdiction over it. For members of the Primero Commando da Capital in Brazil, this tax is replaced by a relatively modest monthly fee—50 Reals for those in prison and 500 for those outside. 197 Those who cannot pay are often tasked with high-risk missions such as attacks on the police to satisfy their debt. This “tax” allows the “union,” which keeps a permanent treasury of at least a million dollars, to organize escapes and pay lawyers, but also to help sick inmates, and escaped or released prisoners and their families. It is a genuine cooperative organization which reflects its growing “politicization.” 198 In the United States, prisoners not belonging to a gang are often termed “neutrons.” Prison gangs levy a “tax” of 10–50 dollars per month on them just to have the “right” to live in prison. Again, certain dangerous tasks are imposed upon them— smuggling drugs into the prison or hiding the gang's weapons 199 in their cells. They are 194 One of the oldest Hispanic prison gangs, limited to the state of Texas and ranked second behind the Mexican Mafia by the Texas Department of Criminal Justice. 195 Brownsville Herald, April 4, 2003. 196 In the “McConnell area” of Beeville prison, Texas. “In Texas Prisons, it's Hard to Tell Who your Enemies Are.” Austin Chronicle, April 28, 2003. Also, see the People's Tribune (Online Edition), 22,14, April 3, 1995. Corroborated by Smedley, My Life in Prison Gangs. 197 Respectively $28 and $280 (rate on January 2010). These contributions have been halved since 2006. 198 The PCC, from being a “Union” became the “Union of the Marginalized” in 2001. 199 In the prison world, anything can become a weapon, and the ingenuity of prisoners is highly developed: “A 'paper pole' is a conical tube fashioned from paper, tightly rolled and sealed with tape, stuffed with toilet paper to make it hard, and fitted with a sharp point (from a ballpoint pen or a disposable razor, for example). It is delivered by hand, or launched with a piece of rubber stretched taut into a powerful slingshot. Paper poles can be fired across buildings from one block of cells to another. Inmates will fashion a makeshift knife, or shank, out of almost anything...” Austin Chronicle, April 28, 2003. 62