Figure 2 . Left : the axial analysis ; Right : visibility graph ( both created with Depthmap )
avenues . This suggests that the movement of people in north-south direction might have exceeded movement in other directions on the North Hill . The visibility graph , then , demonstrates that , although the range of colours on the map is not far apart and there are only a few highly visible areas , Avenue B probably had the highest visible importance compared to the other streets .
Movement through the city In his book on Olynthian household and city organisation Nicholas Cahill claims that ‘ One can easily imagine this avenue [ Avenue B ] as a lively , bustling thoroughfare with significant interaction between the household and the public streets , with the shops acting as intermediary spaces , accessible both to the stranger from without and to the household from within the house . This avenue thus formed an important commercial artery of the city , a sort of economic axis through the town , similar to the ‘‘ Westtorstraße ’’ at Priene .’ ( Cahill 2002 , 274 ). This statement is based on evidence from Robinson ’ s excavations in 1928-1938 , which excludes Avenue C , as only a little part of it has been excavated ( fig . 1 ). The axial analysis , however , demonstrates that
Avenue C would have had more natural movement opportunities than Avenue B and could therefore have been an even livelier thoroughfare . Future excavations in and around this avenue could provide remarkable information as this avenue probably carried the bulk of movement flows . Subsequently , it turns out that the avenues in general were more prone to movement flows than the streets . This could suggest a good connection between the earlier settlement on the South Hill and the newer constructed residential area on the North Hill .
The visibility graph reveals that the city ’ s grid does not seem to give a specifically high rate of visibility to one place over another . This could suggest an ideal of equality ( isonomia ) in the area ’ s organisation and , thus , perhaps between its inhabitants . Archaeologists Hoepfner and Schwandner recognised a form of equality in the adoption of the so-called ‘ pastas ’ house type ( Hoepfner and Schwandner 1994 , 73 ). This seems , however , contradicted by the housing prices in Olynthos , known from inscriptions . These indicate significant differences between the house values ( Nevett 2000 , esp . 338-339 ; Cahill 2002 , 276-281 ). Westgate argues