Indian Politics & Policy Volume 1, Number 2, Fall 2018 | Page 42

India’s Ways of (Non-) War: Explaining New Delhi’s Forbearance in the Face of Pakistani Provocations Line of Fire: A Memoir (New York: Free Press, 2006), 87-98; Shaukat Qadir, “An Analysis of the Kargil Conflict 1999,” RUSI Journal, 147, no. 2 (April 2002): 24-30; Praveen Swami, The Kargil War (New Delhi: LeftWord, 2000); and Ashley J. Tellis, C. Christine Fair, and Jamison Jo Medby, Limited Conflicts under the Nuclear Umbrella: Indian and Pakistani Lessons from the Kargil Crisis (Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2001). 4 On Pakistan’s support for JeM and other terrorist groups, see S. Paul Kapur, Jihad as Grand Strategy: Islamist Militancy, National Security, and the Pakistani State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). 5 In-depth studies of the Twin Peaks crisis include: P.R. Chari, Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema, and Stephen P. Cohen, Four Crises and a Peace Process: American Engagement in South Asia (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2007), 149-83; Ganguly and Hagerty, Fearful Symmetry, 167-86; Kapur, Dangerous Deterrent, 131-39; Polly Nayak and Michael Krepon, “U.S. Crisis Management in South Asia’s Twin Peaks Crisis,” Report 57, The Stimson Center, Washington, DC, September 2006; and V.K. Sood and Pravin Sawhney, Operation Parakram: The War Unfinished (New Delhi: Sage, 2003). 6 On LeT and its connections to the Pakistani state, see Stephen Tankel, Storming the World Stage: The Story of Lashkar-e-Taiba (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011). 7 Detailed accounts of the 2008 Mumbai attacks include: Myra MacDonald, Defeat Is an Orphan: How Pakistan Lost the Great South Asian War (London: Hurst, 2017), 189-207; Shivshankar Menon, Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2016), 60-81; Polly Nayak and Michael Krepon, The Unfinished Crisis: U.S. Crisis Management after the 2008 Mumbai Attacks (Washington, DC: Stimson Center, 2012); Bruce Riedel, Avoiding Armageddon: America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2013), 1-25; Cathy Scott-Clark and Adrian Levy, The Siege: 68 Hours Inside the Taj Hotel (New York: Penguin, 2013); and Tankel, Storming the World Stage, 207-33. 8 For overviews of the Uri attack and Indian response, see Arka Biswas, “Surgical Strikes and Deterrence-Stability in South Asia,” ORF Occasional Paper No. 115 (Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, June 2017); Nitin A. Gokhale, Securing India the Modi Way: Pathankot, Surgical Strikes and More (New Delhi: Bloomsbury, 2017), 1-52; Lalwani and Haegeland, eds., Investigating Crises; MacDonald, Defeat Is an Orphan, 255-61. 9 Representative treatments include: Sumit Ganguly in Sumit Ganguly and S. Paul Kapur, India, Pakistan, and the Bomb: Debating Nuclear Stability in South Asia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010); Ganguly and Hagerty, Fearful Symmetry; Vipin Narang, Nuclear Strategy in the Modern Era: Regional Powers and International Conflict (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014), 253-82; and Kenneth Waltz in Scott D. Sagan and Kenneth N. Waltz, The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: An Enduring Debate, 3rd ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 2013). 10 See Dinshaw Mistry, “Tempering Optimism about Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia,” Security Studies 18, no. 1 (2009): 148-82; Nayak and Krepon, “U.S. Crisis Management”; Nayak and Krepon, Unfinished Crisis; Moeed Yusuf, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments: U.S. Crisis Management in South Asia (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018); and Moeed Yusuf and Jason A. Kirk, “Keeping an Eye on South Asian Skies: America’s Pivotal Deterrence in Nuclearized India–Pakistan Crises,” Contemporary Security Policy 37, no. 2 (May 2016): 246- 72. 11 Works in this vein include: Stephen P. Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta, Arming without Aiming: India’s Military Modernization (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2010); Sunil Dasgupta and 39