Global Risk Outlook 2018 Volume 1 | Page 22

EUROPE Russia PUTIN 4.0: THE LEGACY EDITION Putin enters the Presidential election year of 2018 in arguably the strongest-ever position internationally - and the weakest he has been domestically. Ryan Steele examines the consequences. Putin will win the 2018 Presidential election - this would be the case even without voting fraud. The most recent polls by the Fund for Public Opinion (FOM) and the Levada Center currently have Putin at 68% and 53%, respectively. Quite simply, the roster of legitimate challengers to Putin is short, and this is unlikely to change before the election in 2018. While the final list of candidates has yet to be decided – with Putin only formally declaring his candidacy on 6 December – there are also-rans who invariably serve as foils. The two stalwarts are the Communist Gennady Zyuganov and the Liberal Democrat – who is neither a liberal nor a democrat – Vladimir Zhirinovsky. Then there are those who truly wish to challenge Putin, but have no chance. The most interesting in this category are former socialite Ksenia Sobchak, and the perennial whipping boy of Putin’s rigged legal system and former Moscow mayoral runner-up, Aleksey Navalny. The Federal Electoral Commission has stated that he will not be allowed to run for the presidency, stemming from a past embezzlement conviction of dubious veracity. Still, Navalny’s influential anti-corruption videos and blog posts have done damage to Putin and members of his inner circle. His video exposing the wealth that Dmitry Medvedev has amassed when in power has potentially even delegitimized the Prime Minister from further government service after his term ends in 2018.  Indeed, as pointed out by Aaron Schwartzbaum, a key indicator to watch is whom Putin chooses as his running mate. Should he choose a reformer, such as ex-finance minister Aleksey Kudrin, it's a sign that he is prepared to move the Russian economy away from state subsidization of private industry and unwieldy social spending. On the other hand, should he stick with Medvedev, it would be a show of force against the anti-corruption campaigners and a vote for the status quo. However, there is a third option where Putin does not aim for change or continuity, instead selecting a successor. In that case, while it is far more likely that Putin selects a stable hand, there is always a chance that he plays a joker and picks a young up-and-coming Prime Minister that he can mold in his image. The candidate with perhaps the most potential in this regard is the 37 year-old Nataliya Pokolonskaya, who serves as a Duma member from Crimea and was formerly the prosecutor for the region. 20