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the world wheat market, this transfer is paid by domestic users only. In this sense, compared to the Canadian economy, the US economy could more readily afford to guarantee its producers a fair price. The United States and Canada returned to the private trade, resuming futures trading in the summer of 1920. By the end of World War I, however, political motives and economic means to support grain prices vis-à-vis price guarantees were apparent in the United States. The 1920s began with a short-lived though severe macroeconomic contrac- tion. Meanwhile, “agriculture…sunk into a major depression that was to keep its buying power low and its workers dissatis- fied for a number of years.” Post-war crop- price highs gave way to precipitous declines, farm incomes and land values consequently fell, and farm-mortgage delinquencies rose. Understandably, farmers lobbied for eco- nomic relief from their unprecedentedly severe post-war circumstances. The US government did not offer to support crop prices; indeed, ostensibly, many farmers viewed price supports as “a combination of price fixing and government in busi- ness that was contrary to their basic prin- ciples.” For the most part, the government imposed a series of tariffs on wheat, pro- moted orderly marketing through producer cooperation and provided financing. Nevertheless, between 1924 and 1928, Congress drafted five so-called two-price plans known as the McNary-Haugen bills. The plans intended to raise the price of agricultural commodities used domesti- cally above their respective market-clearing world prices by way of orderly marketing. According to these plans, a farmer would, for example, sell wheat to a domestic pro- cessor, who would pay the market-clearing world price plus scrip, which the proces- sor purchased from the government at a predetermined face value; a government- sponsored wheat-export company would sell domestic surpluses abroad. At the end of the marketing season, the farmer would redeem his scrip for face value minus expenses incurred by the wheat-export company. The plans would operate along- side tariffs to discourage wheat imports. The plans were not passed into law, in part because of political uneasiness with the obviously intentional transfer of sur- plus from users to producers, thanks to the scrip device. Importantly, however, price-support proponents in the United States generally favored a tax-and-transfer scheme, which each plan embodied, for two reasons. One, the support to farmers could be economically meaningful, while domestic users could bear the tax burden, because the share of grain used domesti- cally was relatively large. And, two, the tax- and-transfer scheme could operate along- side private grain marketing, a feature that especially appealed to legislators unwilling to support policies that would effectively nationalize the agricultural industry. In effect, the approach integrated private grain marketing into farm-income support programs; the futures market became part of the solution, instead of the problem. Comprehensive agricultural policy in the United States began with the New Deal-inspired Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA, 1933), which, in principle, bor- rowed heavily from the two-price plans of the 1920s. In the case of wheat, the AAA imposed tariffs on wheat imports, taxed domestic processors, supplemented farm incomes with so-called adjustment payments (on program-allotted produc- tion to discourage surpluses) and otherwise relied on the private trade including, of course, commodity futures markets. The act intended the sum of the unfettered mar- ket price of wheat plus the adjustment pay- ment to constitute a fair price to producers. By 1933, the vast majority of US wheat was used domestically; thus, the burden per bushel of wheat that the AAA’s adjust- ment payment imposed on domestic users was less than at any time since World War I. In 1935, Joseph S. Davis, writing on the AAA for the Brookings Institution, remarked, “Political feasibility, adminis- trative flexibility and prospects for public acceptance constituted powerful reasons for choosing the processing tax device.” Ultimately, the processing tax device was ruled unconstitutional; the AAA of 1938 financed adjustment payments with fed- erally appropriated funds instead, thereby fundamentally preserving a tax-and-trans- fer scheme to subsidize farm incomes. Finally, as for Canada, AAA-styled adjustment payments funded with a tax- and-transfer scheme of any kind would too-greatly burden domestic users. Thus, “there was no possibility whatever of the Canadian government undertaking to keep farm prices at parity levels as [had] been done in the US.” In September 1943, amid continued disruptions in the grain market, the Canadian government declared the Canadian Wheat Board (CWB) the single selling agency to which Western Canadian farmers were required to deliver their non-feed grain in return for a minimum price. Futures markets would not market this Canadian grain again until August 2012, when the CWB lost its single selling agency authority.  Joseph M. Santos is a professor of eco- nomics and Dykhouse Scholar of Money, Banking and Regulation at South Dakota State University, where he teaches mac- roeconomics, monetary economics and banking. Joe writes on US monetary and financial policy. Sources Benedict, Murray R. Farm Policies of the US, 1790–1950. New York: The Twentieth Cen- tury Fund. 1953. Benedict, Murray R. and Oscar C. Stine. The Agricultural Commodity Programs. New York: The Twentieth Century Fund. 1956. Davis, Joseph S. Wheat and the AAA. Wash- ington, DC: The Brookings Institution. 1935. Drummond, W. M. “Canadian Agricultural Price Problems and Policies: A Commen- tary.” Journal of Farm Economics 31: 581–93. 1949. Grinder, Brian and Dan Cooper. “The Pit: An Unfinished Trilogy.” Financial History 130: 8–11. 2019. Irwin, Robert. “Farmers and ‘Orderly Market- ing’: The Making of the Canadian Wheat Board.” Prairie Forum 26:85–106. 1935. Norris, Frank. The Pit: A Story of Chicago. New York: Penguin Group. 1903. Rothstein, Morton. “The International Market for Agricultural Commodities, 1850–1873.” In Economic Change in the Civil War Era, edited by David. T. Gilchrist and W. David Lewis, 62–71. Greenville, DE: Eleutherian Mills-Hagley Foundation. 1966. Santos, Joseph M. “Grain Traitors: A History of the US Futures Contact.” Financial His- tory 127: 24–26. 2018. Santos, Joseph M. “Going Against the Grain: Why Do Canada and the US Market Wheat So Differently?” American Review of Cana- dian Studies 40: 104–117. 2010. Surface, Frank M. The Grain Trade During the War. New York: Macmillan. 1928. Wilson, Charles F. A Century of Canadian Grain: Government Policy to 1951. Saska- toon: Western Producer Prairie Books. 1978. www.MoAF.org  |  Winter 2020  |  FINANCIAL HISTORY  27