Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist March 2019 | Page 58

BOOK REVIEW
The India and EU could contribute to establishing a multilateral
engagement in the Indian Ocean, by building on existing arrangements
and platforms such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association. They could also
work more closely in the fi eld of maritime surveillance.
20th century. In retrospect, the process of EU expansion was
carried through too rapidly. The seeds of an internal crisis
within the EU were sown during the expansion process itself.
Post Lisbon, multiple new global challenges started posing a
threat to the cherished ideals of European unity and solidarity.
Europe began searching for new strategic partners like India.
India took time to adjust to the new emerging world order.
India was hesitant to accept EU’s suggestion that it embrace
a strategic partnership with the EU and become a new ‘pole’
in a multi-polar world.
Brexit remains a fundamental challenge for the unity of
Europe. Much depends on the fi nal deal closing the chapter on
the most expensive and bitter divorce since the establishment
of the European Union. A bad deal is to no one’s advantage.
Clearly, this is a narrative still in the making.
What are the other challenges? Inability amongst many
EU Member States to accept a multi-cultural identity for their
societies led to either rigid secularism or repeated exhortations
to minorities to assimilate with the mainstream. A sharply
declining population and a lack of productive work force
remains an immediate challenge to European prosperity.
With the rise of right-wing parties across Europe, it seems
unlikely that this demographic crisis can be resolved through
controlled legal migration in the short or medium term.
To redefi ne the partnership and make it relevant in this
millennium is the need of the hour. Both sides should agree
on a common strategic paradigm. Negative perceptions from
both sides require to be fully addressed.
The current impasse in the negotiations for an India EU
Broad Based Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA) which
was launched in July 2007 casts a long shadow over the
partnership. Despite 16 rounds of negotiations, it has not yet
been fi nalized. Deal making requires realism on both sides.
Can civil society dialogue become an important element in
re-establishing confi dence and providing a new dynamism to
the relationship? It had been established early in the Summit
process, during the First Summit itself in 2000, through the
setting up of the India EU Round Table on Civil Society
Dialogue. Due to lack of interest on the Indian side, the
Round Table was wound up in 2009. This was detrimental
to a partnership between the world’s largest democracy and
the world’s largest democratic intra state entity.
What are the responses to these multiple challenges? They
need to be based on the necessary political will, recognition
of each other’s strengths and a sustained media campaign on
both sides. The message needs to be disseminated that in an
emerging multi-polar world, the EU and India would be two
important poles, partners in a new transparent, democratic
and stable global order.
The EU and the Commission are now showing greater
sensitivity to India’s perspectives. The EU on its part would
need to off er a partnership of equality and understanding
based on both hard and soft power. To achieve the full
potential, the EU and India must also push forward on trade
negotiations, carry out critical and frank reviews of the whole
partnership architecture, recruit more stakeholders into the
dialogue, and shore up sources of funding for joint initiatives.
Is there a way forward? While India may continue to shy
away from “alliances,” she has to acknowledge that India has
become part of a rapidly increasing number of ‘arrangements’
of diff ering purpose, cohesiveness, and geographic extension.
Each arrangement comes with obligations that impact on
India’s foreign policy options.
Challenges remain which need to be addressed. The
reluctance to give priority to relations with India, over China
is baffl ing. Why is India at second place? This unfortunate
bias of Brussels towards China (because of the huge economic
partnership) needs to be adjusted if Brussels wishes India to
take it seriously.
The India and EU could contribute to establishing a
multilateral engagement in the Indian Ocean, by building
on existing arrangements and platforms such as the Indian
Ocean Rim Association. They could also work more closely
in the fi eld of maritime surveillance.
The ‘Way Forward’ would depend on both sides bridging
the gap and moving towards a dynamic relationship which
corresponds with the political needs of both sides. India needs
to eff ectively demonstrate its emerging great power status to
a European Union now anxious to reach out and consolidate
a potentially dynamic partnership. If successful, it could alter
fundamentally the geopolitics of this millennium. The rest of
the 21st century could belong to India and the EU. 
58 • Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 7 • Issue 3 • March 2019, Noida