SPOTLIGHT
Indonesia is now a robust and like-minded democracy that shares India ' s views on the importance of regional peace and stability . Jakarta merits a special mention here , not least because the Indonesian archipelago occupies a crucial strategic location in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean . Modi ’ s recent visit to Indonesia underlines just how much bilateral ties have developed in recent times between New Delhi and Jakarta .
The closer India-US relationship and , increasingly , India ’ s outreach into East and Southeast Asia is being watched with some disquiet in Beijing . New Delhi , on its part , remains uneasy about perceived growing Chinese encroachment into its traditional geopolitical spaces of South Asia and the Indian Ocean . Trade is the most important adhesive that binds the two neighbours , but frictions are developing over India ’ s burgeoning trade deficit with China which stood at $ 62.8 billion in 2017-18 , up from $ 51 billion a year before . This accounts for more than a third of India ’ s total trade deficit . This strategic complexity has informed India ’ s strategy towards China . Under the Modi government , since 2014 , India has not deviated much from its traditionally cautious foreign policy approach towards China . India , however , has shown willingness to counterbalance China ’ s not-so-peaceful rise through the revival of the Quadrilateral between India , the US , Japan and Australia .
However , those critical of India ’ s ‘ overt tilt ’ to the US are gleefully watching Trump ’ s bizarreness , narcissism , exaggerations and lack of seriousness as he mercilessly dismantles the foundations of the US-led international order crafted some seven decades ago . Trump ’ s notoriously reckless behaviour has been a matter of grave concern for traditional American allies and friends , and pleasure for adversaries and foes . Having ignored the security concerns of South Korea and Japan , he has publicly and rudely told NATO members to pay more towards their defence , leading to the wide-spread perception among European nations that Trump would further undermine NATO and encourage potential adversaries to believe the alliance is not more than a paper tiger .
India ’ s culture of non-alignment and long history of maintaining ‘ strategic autonomy ’ preclude it from entering into any alliance aimed at another country . On the other hand , China has gained sufficient leverage in South Asia to prevent India from implementing any policy that might go too far in targeting China . In simple words , India cannot wish away the realities of its challenging continental geography . Hence , the India-US strategic partnership is now expected to be advanced and strengthened through incremental steps , something that both countries seem to be realising . Public rhetoric needs to be adapted accordingly to avoid heightened expectations .
Modi ’ s keynote address in Singapore during the Shangri La Dialogue , in which he outlined a blueprint for the future of the Indo-Pacific region , is very significant from the point of view of the multi-polar world order that India seeks to create . He advocated a free , open and inclusive Indo-Pacific based on international rules and norms . In a subtle message to China , Modi said : “ We believe that our common prosperity and security require us to evolve , through dialogue , a common rules-based order for the region . And it must equally apply to all individually , as well as to the global commons . Such an order must believe in sovereignty and territorial integrity , as well as equality of all nations , irrespective of size and strength . These rules and norms should be based on the consent of all , not on the power of the few .” His vision emphasised the need to work together for the prosperity of the people in the region and stressed the importance of multilateralism and regionalism . Modi ’ s special mention of Russia at the summit attracted a lot of attention . When he said that “ President Putin and I shared our views on the need for a strong multi-polar world order for dealing with the challenges of our times ,” it was a clear message that India cannot be coerced into doing something which it does not consider to be in its national interest .
Modi ’ s recent ‘ informal summits ’ with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Wuhan and the Russian President in Sochi , as well as his formulation of New Delhi ’ s ‘ Indo-Pacific ’ vision at the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore are being interpreted as a long-awaited course correction in India ’ s foreign policy which takes pride in maintaining its ‘ strategic autonomy ’. These moves are also aimed at strengthening a multi-polar world order . If the US has a China containment strategy and the intention to forge an anti-China alliance , India may not join the US bandwagon and ‘ jeopardise ’ strategic maneuvering space . New Delhi would prefer to limit its role to bolstering defence cooperation with other countries on a bilateral or trilateral basis . The Quad is also a dialogue mechanism whose sustainability is doubtful at the moment . India would be keen to expand defence cooperation with other members of the Quad , especially in counter-terrorism and maritime security issues . This is not to suggest that India is not concerned about China ’ s aggressive behaviour as well as massive military infrastructure build-up . But , rather , India seems to be in favour of being a ‘ swing ’ state in the geopolitical rivalry between the US and China .
India and China could make a special contribution to a multipolar Asia by resolving their border dispute - the most crucial border dispute that still hampers regional peace and prosperity . The dispute settlement would not only reduce mutual suspicion between the two countries , but would open the door for greater economic cooperation in the broader Indo-Pacific region as well as for the emergence of a multipolar world . •
* The author is the Assistant Professor , International Affairs and Security Studies , and Coordinator , Center for Peace & Conflict Studies , at Sardar Patel University of Police , Security and Criminal Justice in Jaipur , Rajasthan ( India ).
42 • Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 6 • Issue 7 • July 2018 , Noida