Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist July 2018 | Page 37
PERSPECTIVE
Erdogan began his new term by lifting the 2-year old state of
emergency on 9 July 2018, after it was imposed following a
failed military coup to depose him from offi ce in July 2016. With
his re-election as President, Turkish politics, for the foreseeable
future, will exhibit continuity and stability.
R
ecep T. Erdogan, President of Turkey, won the Turkish
national election held on 24 June 2018, getting his
wish to become an Executive President and have
his rule extended by a further 5 years. This victory comes a
little over a year after Erdogan clinched victory in another
important vote - the historic referendum on a package of
constitutional reforms in Turkey that granted him sweeping
powers as President. However, the future, both for the man
and the country, looks grim.
Will Turkish democracy survive President Recep T.
Erdogan (RTE)?
On 24 June, Turkish voters had a choice but hardly a fair
campaign. Erdogan and his party dominated the news media.
His chief opponent, Muharrem Ince of the secular People’s
Republican Party (CHP), lost resoundingly in the fi rst round,
garnering only 30 percent of the votes, well behind Erdogan’s
52 percent.
Erdogan began his new term by lifting the 2-year old state
of emergency on 9 July 2018, after it was imposed following
a failed military coup to depose him from offi ce in July
2016. With his re-election as President, Turkish politics, for
the foreseeable future, will exhibit continuity and stability.
Erdogan's cabinet appointments reward family and loyal
service. By consolidating power at the top and ruling with an
iron fi st, Erdogan's dream is to exceed Ataturk, the founder
of the secular Republic back in 1923. However, the Turkish
economy, facing serious challenges, may well dash Erdogan's
hopes to create a “great and strong Turkey.”
Why did Erdogan win so easily?
Turkey, like the rest of the world, is shifting to the
ideological right - towards populist, neo-nationalism.
Erdogan’s Islamism fi nds popular support not only amongst
conservative rural voters, but equally amongst the gecekondu
(shanty-town) communities in Istanbul, Ankara and other
major cities.
Erdogan’s alliance with the extreme nationalists, led by
Devlet Bahceli, delivered the required votes, just enough for
a win in the fi rst round. The aging Bahceli was expected to do
poorly, his party falling below the 10 percent threshold after
the fi ery lady Meral Akşener broke away from the party over
policy differences and set up a new party. She was expected
to do well, but she only managed a mere 7 percent of the
popular vote.
The CHP, founded by Ataturk in 1930s, needs to fi nd a
winning leader and program to restore Turkey’s secular path
to full democracy. While Ince performed better than his party,
it remains to be seen whether his charisma will rejuvenate
the party.
The sole consolation prize for those who are tired of
Erdogan is that his AK Party lost their two-thirds majority
in parliament. Widespread disenchantment with Erdogan’s
authoritarian rule, and the strong showing by the Kurdish
party - DHP - whose leader is in jail after being accused of
supporting the separatist Kurdish PKK group, effectively
clipped Erdogan’s wings. Parliament, now, will not be a
rubber stamp, to be easily manipulated by Erdogan.
Meanwhile, the PKK separatist terror continues, although
on a much-reduced scale after the successful incursion
of the Turkish army into Afrin, Syria. The success of the
Kurdish DHP Party, passing over the threshold, is good
sign for Turkish democracy, raising hopes, once more, of
democratically settling the legitimate Kurdish claims in
parliament.
Erdogan’s rising authoritarian rule got worse after the
attempted military coup on 15 July 2016. A state of emergency
was imposed in the immediate aftermath, which lasted almost
two years. There is circumstantial evidence pointing to the
role of exiled cleric and opposition leader Gulen's forces
in the coup, but Erdogan’s crackdown in the aftermath has
been excessive. The military, civil service, academia, media,
judiciary - all have been purged. Thousands of households
have lost their livelihood, in some cases on mere suspicion.
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 6 • Issue 7 • July 2018, Noida • 37