Diplomatist Magazine Diplomatist July 2018 | Page 31
COVER STORY
an increase in the number of complaints under the rules of
the WTO, potentially triggering many dispute settlement
procedures.
Conclusions
The recent decisions of President Trump to impose
new trade barriers in the form of tariffs and quotas on U.S.
imports marks the next step in a series of actions towards the
establishment of a protectionist U.S. trade policy. When the
United States withdrew from the
Trans-Pacifi c Partnership (TPP)
and de facto from the Transatlantic
Trade and Investment Partnership
(TTIP), both trade agreements
were not yet in force and President
Trump’s actions had no immediate
impact on existing U.S. trade
relations. However, the newly
introduced trade barriers will
have an actual impact on existing
trade flows and they could
exert considerable harm to U.S.
consumers and the rule-based
global trading system. U.S. tariffs
on imported consumer goods have
a direct effect on the purchasing
power of U.S. households.
Domestically, the trade restrictions
will mean less competition and
will, therefore, further raise prices
for U.S. consumers. Furthermore,
President Trump’s actions are
likely to result in increasing
pressure from U.S. industries and special interest groups
to impose industry-specifi c trade barriers. This will trigger
further retaliation from U.S.' trading partners and increase
tensions in the global trade system.
Another problem with President Trump’s trade policy
results from his anachronistic view of trade as trade in fi nal
products. Global trade patterns have signifi cantly changed
in the last decades as trade has become more and more
fragmented, and trade in intermediate goods has increased
considerably. Global value chains usually spread over many
different countries before the fi nal product is assembled
and exported. An ever growing global division of labour
implies that trade policy measures like tariffs and quotas
have implications that are very diffi cult to predict as more
and more intermediate goods trade is affected. Certainly,
tariffs in a world of highly fragmented trade will be targeted,
to a large extent, on imported intermediate products. This,
in turn, will increase the chance that the competitiveness
of U.S. companies relying on cheap foreign inputs in their
production will be hurt.
President Trump falsely blames other countries for the
U.S. trade defi cit. It is standard economics to view the
current account as being equal to the difference between
savings and investment. In the U.S., savings of the private
sector approximately equal private investment, but in
the public sector, savings are much less than investment,
which is tantamount to saying that the public sector runs
a sizable budget defi cit. Hence, the sum of the balances of
the private and the public sector
is negative and, thus, the current
account is negative. The latter
can only improve if the private
sector saves more or the public
sector runs a lower budget defi cit.
This economic relationship is
not a particular theory, but it is
an identity. The goal, pursued by
President Trump, to reduce the
U.S. current account deficit by
introducing new import tariffs is,
therefore, unrealistic as long as the
fi nancial balances of the private
sector and the public sector do
not change. As the current account
refl ects fi nancial balances, current
account imbalances are always an
expression of domestic economic
activity. Put differently, if the
trade defi cit disappears and U.S.
citizens do not suddenly save
more, the question is who would
then fi nance the U.S. government
defi cit. Hence, trade policies like tariffs and quotas are not
appropriate means to counteract those imbalances.
Protectionism is always a short-term policy, because
it ultimately does not help an economy to become more
effi cient or productive. When looking at economies as a
whole, protectionism typically creates only losers. This is the
case because the effects on some parts of an economy that
may benefi t from trade restrictions are more than offset by
the parts of the economy that suffer, such that the net effect
is virtually always negative. This is not likely to be different
in the current U.S. situation. Only time will tell if the Trump
administration realises the same before things go too far.
President Trump
falsely blames other
countries for the U.S.
trade defi cit. It is
standard economics
to view the current
account as being
equal to the difference
between savings and
investment.
1
Michael Frenkel is Professor of Macroeconomics and
International Economics at the WHU – Otto Beisheim School
of Management, Vallendar, Germany.
2
Benedikt Walter is research assistant at WHU – Otto
Beisheim School of Management, Vallendar, Germany.
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist • Vol 6 • Issue 7 • July 2018, Noida • 31