Diplomatist Magazine Annual Edition 2018 | Page 50

Knowledge Partner
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Diplomatist

In 1990 , Nepal ushered in a mul * -party democra * c system , preceded by a topsy turvy poli * cal course and a struggle for existence as an independent country . However , the road to democracy hit a snag early on , in its fijh year , as the Red Rebels — grouped as the Maoists — launched what they called a " revolu * on " to overthrow the monarchy and " liberate " Nepal from the influence of " imperialist America and hegemonic India ."

A civil war broke out in 1996 and approximately 17,000 people were killed in the decade-long conflict that also witnessed physical infrastructure worth billions being destroyed . In 2006 , the Indian government reviewed its stance on Nepali Maoists whom it had declared ' terrorists ' and concluded that they were the true representa * ves of the people of Nepal in the changed context . On 27 January 2009 , India ' s then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee confirmed through an interview to Al Jazeera that India played a mediatory role in bringing the Maoists and Nepal ' s key poli * cal par * es together . The new equa * on was built on an ' an * -monarchy ' plakorm seeking to end the 240-year-old monarchy — a core mission of the Maoists ' movement . In return , they would cease their violent ac * vi * es and be part of the peaceful democra * c process . This generated much hope in a country that witnessed frequent clashes between state security agencies and the Maoists that resulted in the killing of eight people each day on an average .
This new equa * on mediated by India , however , also brought in more interna * onal players in Nepal , arguably in its sole ' sphere of influence ' un * l then . The Maoists wanted a credible interna * onal agency , preferably the UN , to supervise the peace process . The media * on by India , and its lobbying with the interna * onal community , mainly the
Nepal became a ' Federal Secular Republic ' from a Unitary Hindu Kingdom , without the people - either by way of intense par @ cipatory debate or referendum - playing a decisive role .
West , forced King Gyanendra Shah to hand over power to poli * cal par * es ajer a 14-month direct rule . But in the transi * on that followed , a group of leaders , mainly the top brass of the eight par * es , began dicta * ng the future agenda more in consulta * on with interna * onal stakeholders , mainly India , and the Nepalese people and tradi * onal forces including the monarchy were gradually sidelined . The country ' s poli * cs took a rabidly radical course . Nepal became a ' Federal Secular Republic ' from a Unitary Hindu Kingdom , without the people — either by way of intense par * cipatory debate or referendum — playing a decisive role .
In November 2006 , the Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal ( Maoist ), Pushpa Kamal Dahal ' Prachanda ', and Nepal ' s then Prime Minister GP Koirala on behalf of the rebels and the state respec * vely , signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord . This clearly linked the peace process with the poli * cal change with an understanding that they would take place simultaneously . The UN
Mission in Nepal ( UNMIN ) headed by Ian Mar * n — formerly the secretary general of Amnesty Interna * onal — would supervise the elec * on to the Cons * tuent Assembly ( which was tasked with the responsibility of drajing the new cons * tu * on ) and act as the custodian of Maoist ' s arms and combatants , held in seven different cantonments .
Nepal became a ' Federal Secular Republic ' from a Unitary Hindu Kingdom , without the people - either by way of intense par @ cipatory debate or referendum - playing a decisive role .
However , UNMIN apparently appeared more ambi * ous . At a * me when Nepal ' s long and tradi * onal power structure was crumbling , it was only natural that the regions , ethnici * es and other communi * es that had for long felt ignored would want a place reserved for them in the future power structure . Unrest broke out in Terai and the region sought a propor * onal share in power . Terai , Nepal ' s plains areas adjacent to India , accounts for approximately 18 per cent of Nepal ' s territory and hosts nearly 50 per cent of the country ' s popula * on . UNMIN began lobbying to bring the Terai issue as well within its jurisdic * on — something that made India suspicious of its mo * ves . Evidently UNMIN did not confine its role to the leQer and spirit of the accord , and as a consequence , had to depart under pressure from Nepal , leaving the peace process incomplete , much against its wishes .
11 years ajer the peace accord was signed , the Nepalese are s * ll wondering as to whether the stated objec * ves of the coming together of the eight par * es including Maoists into the democra * c fold — peace , poli * cal stability , and economic prosperity — are within reach . The country will soon have its 11th prime minister in the past as many years ; its economic growth has been stagnant at a rate of nearly two per cent ; and almost all the organs of the state , including the judiciary , are packed with cadres of major poli * cal par * es , impac * ng the ins * tu * ons ' fairness ,
Image 22 : Voters line up to cast their ballot during Nepal ’ s first ConsLtuent Assembly ElecLon , 2008
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