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The working class constitutes the majority of the Danish population. Today it is more complex than ever before – both economically, in terms of education, socially and culturally. But there is one common feature of all working class people: They are part of the class that create social values; they are part of the class with an objective interest in revolutionary change and in building socialism. Bourgeois ideology and the social roots of opportunism The working class is the main force of the class struggle. This is the objective side. The subjective side is how the working class and its party acts, struggles and develops; If it pursues the line of class struggle or a line of class collaboration; If it moves towards the revolution or away from it. It is the struggle for the minds and the hearts of the working class and to provide the necessary theory to win the struggle for socialism. Every day we are exposed to a flood of bourgeois propaganda, designed to make us think of anything other than to change the world. When we as a communist party speak about opportunism within the working class, we are talking about political currents pretending to have working-class, left or even revolutionary policies, but in fact are not – like reformism, revisionism or Trotskyism. They may sound quite convincing, but their phrases and illusions about improving capitalism dissolve into hot air when they are put to the test of practice. These opportunist currents are not the result of ignorance or naivety. Their purpose is to split the working class and prevent the unification of the revolutionary forces. They do not disappear and leave the stage, even though they are proven wrong all the time. On the contrary, the building of the Feb, March - 2019 communist party, the unification of the revolutionary forces and orga- nising on a mass scale on the basis of the line of class struggle can only make progress by defeating the opportunist voices of defeat. Opportunism has objective roots and stems from objective interests, bearing the chara- cteristics of social strata outside the working class. The most important social bases of opportunism are twofold – a special social stratum at the top of the working class, the so-called labour aristocracy, and the intelligentsia, primarily petty bourgeois intellectuals. In Denmark the labour aristocracy ranges from the heads of the reformist trade union and party bureaucracy and the mana- gements of trade union related companies to ordinary trade union and party fun-ctionaries, technocrats and privileged shop stewards, including also some privileged workers. More than one hundred years of social democratic reformism has made the labour aristocracy an institution, among others of the cooperative companies that originated from the labour movement, and gradually were transformed into the streamlined companies of today operating entirely on market premises. The main Danish labour organisation – the social democratic trade union federation LO – has its own system of education for class collaboration, partly financed by contributions from the employers’ unions. During the last few decades we have seen a number of new so- called trade unions. They offer membership at a much lower price than the ordinary trade unions. They are the so-called ‘yellow’, splittist organisations such as the Christian Trade Union with 700 functionaries. These organisations do not sign any labour contracts with the employers and they have abandoned the right to strike. Their members work as scabs at times of conflict between the real trade unions and the employers and their organisations. The yellow organi- sations count for four percent of the workers and employees, while the conventional reformist trade unions organise around 67 percent. This makes them among the highest ranking in the EU, although the level of organisation has actually decreased for a number of years. The lives of the labour aristocrats are quite different from the lives of the trade union members who pay their salaries. Their lucrative wages, pensions and jobs differ sharply from the much lower paid labour of the trade union members, marked by attrition, job uncertainty and insecurity, terms of employment and work hours. They are not subjected to a constant pressure to raise productivity, or two percent yearly cutbacks as in the Danish public sector, or rationalisations, nor do they see their workplace outsourced, privatised or moved abroad. You are not automatically transformed into a labour aristocrat by becoming a shop steward or having another position of trust from your co-workers. But the danger is obvious in the back- patting reformist trade union hierarchy. The process of corruption is an objective mecha- nism, characterised by material cash advantages or certain privileges enjoyed by the corrupted. Subjectively a trade union leader may at one moment be a labour aristocrat of the classic type and the next a person of class struggle – but unfortunately also the other way around, which is the tendency when a strong communist party does not exist. The higher the rank in the labour aristocracy, the more one is bourgeoisified. 7